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Wilmington, North Carolina once had a thriving Black middle class and an elected interracial government. In 1898 white supremacists used violence to overthrow that government, kill Black residents and drive many others from the city.
MORE →Reflects the personal views, recollections, and perspective of the author, Mike Davis.
This is a personal recollection on the Move fire on May 13, 1985
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1 March 1992
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Are you in favor of Montenegro, as a sovereign republic, continuing to live in a common state – Yugoslavia, fully equal to other republics that wish the same?
Serbian: Да ли сте за то да Црна Гора, као суверена република, настави да живи у заједничкој држави − Југославији, потпуно равноправно са другим републикама које то буду жељеле? | ||||||||||||||||||||||
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The 1992 Montenegrin sovereignty referendum was the first referendum regarding Montenegrin sovereignty, held on 1 March 1992 in SR Montenegro, a constituent republic of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.[1]
The referendum was the outcome of Montenegrin President Momir Bulatović's decision to agree to the terms set by Lord Carrington which were to transform Yugoslavia into a loose association of independent states that would have the status of subjects under international law. Bulatović's decision angered his ally, the Serbian President Slobodan Milošević and the Serbian leadership, who added an amendment to the Carrington Plan that would allow states that did not wish to secede from Yugoslavia to establish a successor state.[2]
421,549 citizens were registered voters.[3] The question put to the electorate was, roughly translated:
Are you in favor of Montenegro, as a sovereign republic, continuing to live in a common state – Yugoslavia, fully equal to other republics that wish the same?[4]
The electorate chose to remain within Yugoslavia. 95.96% of voters, which is 63.17% of the entire electorate, voted Yes, with a voter turnout of 66.04%.[3] Importantly for understanding the result, pro-independence parties had their supporters boycott the vote.
As a result of this referendum, the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, consisting of two former constituent republics of the SFR Yugoslavia, Serbia and Montenegro, was established on 27 April 1992.[5][6]
In early October 1991, Montenegrin forces and the Yugoslav People's Army (JNA) began the Siege of Dubrovnik. The JNA's bombardment of Dubrovnik, including that of the Old Town — a UNESCO World Heritage Site — provoked international condemnation, and became a public relations disaster for Serbia and Montenegro, contributing to their diplomatic and economic isolation, as well as proving to be detrimental to Montenegro's internal stability and inter-ethnic relations within the republic.[7]
Seeking a way out of the crisis, Montenegrin President Momir Bulatović took a significant political gamble, which put him at odds both with his political allies in Belgrade, Serbian nationalists in Montenegro, as well as many people in his own party. As the conflict in Croatia intensified, the European Community organized a peace conference on Yugoslavia in the Hague chaired by Lord Carrington, the former British Foreign Secretary who had served in Margaret Thatcher’s first cabinet. The Carrington Plan envisaged a loose association of independent states that would have the status of subjects under international law.[8]
While uniformity with the Serbian line was anticipated from the Montenegrin side, Bulatović unexpectedly agreed to the terms of the Carrington Plan during an overnight session of the Montenegrin parliament on 17 October 1991. He agreed to sign a draft of the plan and Borisav Jović was alerted the following day. According to Jović, Bulatović had the support of the then Italian Foreign Minister Gianni De Michelis.[9]
During the 24–25 October parliamentary sessions, the agreement was essentially ratified. However, the People's Party called for an emergency session of parliament, during which reactions to the plan were overwhelmingly negative. Bulatović and Prime Minister Milo Đukanović, who supported him during the session, were decried as traitors by a series of speakers including Branko Kostić, as well as Serbian state media and Slobodan Milošević. Unionist parties held demonstrations outside the parliament building.[10]
Bulatović and Đukanović were called to Belgrade to attend a series of meetings with the Serbian leadership. Milošević tried to circumvent the perceived treason from the Montenegrin leadership by inserting a clause into the Carrington Plan that would allow any republic that wished to remain a part of Yugoslavia to do so. Faced with no consensus in Montenegro, the Montenegrin leadership backed down and agreed to Milošević's proposal. On 30 October 1991, Serbia and Montenegro proposed an amendment to the Carrington Plan that would allow states that did not wish to secede from Yugoslavia to establish a successor state. A referendum on the establishment of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, which claimed legitimate continuity of the SFRY, would take place in Montenegro in March 1992.[11]
In the run-up to the referendum, the two ruling parties in Serbia and Montenegro negotiated on the formation and distribution of power in the new Yugoslavia, left with around 40% of the territory and population of the previous country. Montenegrin President Momir Bulatović envisaged a confederal model with the common state possessing a single market, single currency, unitary monetary policy, a common foreign policy, albeit one that would permit separate consular representations, and a joint defense system that would allow some degree of autonomy.[12]
The proposed principle of parity that Bulatović advocated was incrementally eroded in the aftermath of subsequent meetings between Bulatović and Serbian President Slobodan Milošević. The Serbian political elite was consistently opposed to the idea of the equal status of Montenegro within the federation. Due to its influence over the ruling elite in Montenegro, its position ultimately prevailed.[12]
The Montenegrin ruling elite, wishing to facilitate the rapid acceptance of the new state, adopted the Law on Referendum, limiting public debate to a period of only seven days. The Montenegrin opposition argued against the undemocratic character of the referendum, staging demonstrations in Montenegrin towns and cities and attempting to persuade voters that there were alternatives to a close federation with Serbia. Throughout Montenegro, the ruling Democratic Party of Socialists campaigned under the slogan "Yugoslavia without alternative", and simultaneously worked towards limiting the scope for public debate, disrupting the activities of the opposition and implicitly threatening individuals with the potential loss of their livelihoods.[12]
The referendum was boycotted by opposition parties such as the Liberal Alliance of Montenegro,[13] the Social Democratic and Socialist Parties,[14] as well as minority parties such as the Democratic League in Montenegro,[15] leading to a relatively low turnout of 66%.[13]
Registered Voters: 421,549[3]
Source: Centre for Monitoring[3]
| Municipality | No | Yes | Registered Voters | Voted | Turnout |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Andrijevica | 5 (0.11%) | 4,596 (99.61%) | 4,720 | 4,614 | 97.75% |
| Bar | 616 (5%) | 11,523 (93.61%) | 25,550 | 12,309 | 48.18% |
| Berane | 697 (3.99%) | 16,679 (95.37%) | 25,040 | 17,488 | 69.84% |
| Bijelo Polje | 363 (1.65%) | 21,271 (96.75%) | 35,597 | 21,985 | 61.76% |
| Budva | 204 (3.20%) | 6,124 (95.99%) | 8,696 | 6,380 | 73.37% |
| Cetinje | 326 (3.41%) | 9,093 (95.24%) | 14,408 | 9,547 | 66.26% |
| Danilovgrad | 93 (1.03%) | 8,092 (89.28%) | 11,319 | 9,064 | 80.08% |
| Herceg Novi | 486 (3.09%) | 15,071 (95.79%) | 21,130 | 15,374 | 74.46% |
| Kolašin | 44 (0.67%) | 6,455 (98.47%) | 8,103 | 6,555 | 80.90% |
| Kotor | 693 (5.83%) | 10,937 (91.98%) | 16,560 | 11,981 | 71.81% |
| Mojkovac | 35 (0.52%) | 6,677 (99.23%) | 7,508 | 6,729 | 89.62% |
| Nikšić | 775 (1.76%) | 43,160 (97.83%) | 52,758 | 44,118 | 83.62% |
| Plav | 96 (3.37%) | 2,730 (95.79%) | 10,314 | 2,850 | 27.63% |
| Pljevlja | 452 (2.05%) | 21,543 (97.50%) | 28,573 | 22,095 | 77.33% |
| Plužine | 12 (0.36%) | 3,353 (99.29%) | 3,763 | 3,377 | 89.74% |
| Podgorica | 2,746 (4.03%) | 64,955 (95.21%) | 103,211 | 68,222 | 66.10% |
| Rožaje | 136 (8.98%) | 1,360 (89.77%) | 13,962 | 1,515 | 10.85% |
| Šavnik | 16 (0.66%) | 2,385 (98.68%) | 2,731 | 2,417 | 88.50% |
| Tivat | 720 (12.37%) | 4,915 (84.44%) | 8,737 | 5,821 | 66.62% |
| Ulcinj | 215 (7.98%) | 2,411 (89.50%) | 15,363 | 2,694 | 17.54% |
| Žabljak | 25 (0.84%) | 2,943 (98.86%) | 3,506 | 2,977 | 84.91% |
A new constitution forming the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia came into effect on 27 April 1992.[5] The Montenegrin opposition would refer to the new constitution scornfully as the "Žabljak Constitution" after the mountain resort in Montenegro where the two leaderships had met to create the new state. Its core argument was that the FRY was an unequal construction that would simply become dysfunctional, due to the fact that it was made up of two federal units of disproportionate size, population, and economic interests. Such a situation prompted even those within the ruling DPS, such as the then Montenegrin Foreign Minister Miodrag Lekić, to argue that within the FRY structure Montenegrin interests were insufficiently protected.[6]
Angered by Momir Bulatović's intention to agree to Lord Carrington's plan in October 1991, as well as his request that a special session of the Montenegrin Assembly should be called to discuss the possibility of another referendum, the ruling Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS) supported Bulatović's opponent in the 1992 presidential election, Branko Kostić. During the election campaign, Bulatović sought to continue to strike a balance between Montenegro's political poles of unionism and nationalism, arguing in favor of Montenegrin autonomy and equality with Serbia within the FRY framework. Kostić presented himself as a "Greater Serb", aligning himself directly with Slobodan Milošević and the policy of the SPS. The DPS triumphed in the concurrent parliamentary election, and Milo Đukanović continued to serve as Prime Minister of Montenegro, eventually straying further still from the policies advocated by the Serbian leadership.[16]
 Independence referendums in Yugoslavia | |
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Source: Wikipedia. Article content is retrieved live through the MediaWiki API.
The 1992 Montenegrin sovereignty referendum was the first referendum regarding Montenegrin sovereignty, held on 1 March 1992 in SR Montenegro, a constituent republic of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. The referendum was the outcome of Montenegrin President Momir Bulatović's decision to agree to the terms set by Lord Carrington which were to transform Yugoslavia into a loose association of independent states that would have the status of subjects under international law. Bulatović's decision angered his ally, the Serbian President Slobodan Milošević and the Serbian leadership, who added an amendment to the Carrington Plan that would allow states that did not wish to secede from Yugoslavia to establish a successor state. 421,549 citizens were registered voters. The question put to the electorate was, roughly translated: Are you in favor of Montenegro, as a sovereign republic, continuing to live in a common state – Yugoslavia, fully equal to other republics that wish the same? The electorate chose to remain within Yugoslavia. 95.96% of voters, which is 63.17% of the entire electorate, voted Yes, with a voter turnout of 66.04%. Importantly for understanding the result, pro-independence parties had their supporters boycott the vote. As a result of this referendum, the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, consisting of two former constituent republics of the SFR Yugoslavia, Serbia and Montenegro, was established on 27 April 1992.
Milo Đukanović (Montenegrin Cyrillic: Мило Ђукановић, pronounced [mǐːlo dʑǔkanoʋitɕ] ; born 15 February 1962) is a Montenegrin politician who served as the president of Montenegro from 1998 to 2002 and from 2018 to 2023. He also served as the Prime Minister of Montenegro (1991–1998, 2003–2006, 2008–2010 and 2012–2016) and was the long-term president of the Democratic Party of Socialists of Montenegro, originally the Montenegrin branch of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, which governed Montenegro alone or in a coalition from the introduction of multi-party politics in the early 1990s until its defeat in the 2020 parliamentary election. He is the longest-ruling contemporary politician in Europe, having held key positions in the country for over 33 years. However, he was defeated by the 36-year-old centrist former economy minister, Jakov Milatović, after the presidential run-off held on 2 April 2023. When Đukanović first emerged on the political scene, he was a close ally of Slobodan Milošević during the anti-bureaucratic revolution (1988–1989) and the dissolution of SFR Yugoslavia (1991–1992). His cabinet actively participated in the siege of Dubrovnik (1991–1992). Đukanović supported Momir Bulatović's agreement on Lord Carrington's terms, which resulted in the 1992 Montenegrin independence referendum, where voters decided to remain in FR Yugoslavia. In 1996, however, Đukanović distanced himself from Milošević and the federal government, abandoning the traditional joint Serbian and Montenegrin vision in favour of Montenegrin nationalism, which supported state independence and a separate Montenegrin identity. That led to the division of the party and the split of Bulatović's pro-unionist faction. Shortly afterward, Đukanović defeated Bulatović in the 1997 presidential election by a thin margin. In 1999, he negotiated with Western countries in an attempt to limit airstrikes in Montenegro during the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia, while later Đukanović oversaw the implementation of the Deutsche Mark as the new currency in Montenegro, replacing the Yugoslav dinar. Following the overthrow of Milošević (2000), he signed an agreement with the new Serbian government that led to the Constitutional Charter of Serbia and Montenegro (2003), which allowed for Montenegrin independence. Three years later, the 2006 independence referendum led to a formal separation from the state union and the proclamation of the new Constitution of Montenegro (2007). Đukanović has pursued a NATO and EU accession policy, resulting in Montenegro's NATO membership in 2017. Over the course of his premiership and presidency, he oversaw the privatization of public companies to foreign investors and firms. Several corruption scandals of the ruling party triggered 2019 anti-government protests, while a controversial religion law sparked another wave of protests. For the first time in three decades, in the 2020 parliamentary election, the opposition won more votes than Đukanović's ruling party and its partners. Several domestic and foreign observers have described Đukanović's rule as either authoritarian, autocratic, or kleptocratic, with some international organizations and research institutions, such as Freedom House, Economist Intelligence Unit, and V-Dem Institute, warning that Montenegro has experienced democratic backsliding under his government. His brother Aco Đukanović, the owner of Montenegro's first private bank, had the upper hand in the privatization process that took place in the country after the fall of communism. Additionally, his sister, the lawyer Ana Kolarevic, controlled the judiciary for a long time. DPS clientelist networks dominated all segments of social life, making party membership necessary to start a business or obtain a position in the administration. In 2020, Freedom House classified Montenegro as a hybrid regime rather than a democracy, mentioning the years of increasing state capture, abuse of power, and strongman tactics employed by Đukanović. He is often described as having strong links to the Montenegrin mafia. Đukanović was listed among the twenty richest world leaders according to the British newspaper The Independent in May 2010, which described the source of his estimated £10 million wealth as "mysterious". In October 2021, Đukanović and his son Blažo were mentioned in the Pandora Papers, linking them to two trusts on the British Virgin Islands.
Montenegro and Serbia maintain diplomatic relations established in 1879. Both were part of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia (1918–1941) and later the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (1945–1992). After Yugoslavia’s dissolution in 1991-1992, they formed the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia which was in 2003 reconstituted into the State Union of Serbia and Montenegro. The Montenegrin independence referendum in 2006, resulting in restoration of both countries' independence, marked a political divergence, but cultural ties between Serbia and Montenegro remain exceptionally strong. The two countries have a deep historical and cultural connection, rooted in the centuries of intertwined history. The peoples of Serbia and Montenegro share common cultural traditions, including religion (majority in both countries adhere to the Serbian Orthodox Church) and language (vast majority in Serbia and relative majority in Montenegro speak Serbian as a mother tongue). About two million people in Serbia have partial or full ancestry from present-day Montenegro, mostly tracing back to the 18th and 19th centuries, vast majority of whom identify ethnically as Serb, though many (particularly first- or second-generation descendants from Montenegro) also claim a fairly strong Montenegrin regional identity. This closeness between Serbia and Montenegro causes sporadic debates on the Montenegrin ethnic and linguistic identity centering on a core question whether Montenegrins are essentially the same people as Serbs or distinct ethnicity.
There are several points of dispute over the ethnic and linguistic identity of several communities in Montenegro, some of them related to identity of people who self-identify as ethnic Montenegrins, while some other identity issues are also related to communities of Serbs, Croats, Bosniaks and ethnic Muslims. All of those issues are mutually interconnected and highly politicized. The central issue is whether self-identified Montenegrins constitute a distinct ethnic group or a subgroup of some other nation, as often claimed by self-identified Serbs. This divide has its historical roots in the first decades of the 20th century, during which the pivotal political issue was the dilemma between retaining national sovereignty of Montenegro, advocated by supporters of the Petrović-Njegoš dynasty, most notably Greens, i.e. members of the True People's Party, and supporters of integration with the Kingdom of Serbia, and consequently with other South Slavic peoples under the Karađorđević dynasty, advocated by the Whites (gathered around the People's Party). This dispute renewed during the dissolution of Yugoslavia and subsequent secession of Montenegro from the state union with Serbia after the 2006 Montenegrin independence referendum. According to the 2023 census data, 41.1% of people in Montenegro identify as ethnic Montenegrins (decrease of 3.8% from 2011), while 32.9% declare as ethnic Serbs (increase of 4.2% from 2011); 43.2% said they spoke "Serbian" whereas 34.5% declared "Montenegrin" as their native language.
Before the 1921 destruction of Tulsa’s Greenwood District, Black residents had created a remarkable center of business and community life. The district included stores, professional offices, entertainment venues and homes owned by Black citizens. Understanding Greenwood means learning what was built—not only what was burned.
MORE →Brown v. Board of Education in 1954.
