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In 1968 Shirley Chisholm became the first Black woman elected to the United States Congress. In 1972 she launched a campaign for the Democratic presidential nomination, breaking another political barrier.
MORE →Reflects the personal views, recollections, and perspective of the author, Mike Davis.
This is a personal recollection on the Move fire on May 13, 1985
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| Sound change and alternation |
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| Fortition |
| Dissimilation |
Debuccalization, or deoralization,[1] is a sound change or alternation in which an oral consonant loses its original place of articulation and moves it to the glottis ([h], [ɦ], or [ʔ]).[2] The pronunciation of a consonant as [h] is sometimes called aspiration, but in phonetics, aspiration is the burst of air accompanying a stop. The word comes from Latin bucca, meaning 'cheek' or 'mouth'.
Debuccalization is usually seen as a subtype of lenition, which is often defined as a sound change involving the weakening of a consonant by progressive shifts in pronunciation. As with other forms of lenition, debuccalization may be synchronic or diachronic (i.e. it may involve alternations within a language depending on context or sound changes across time).
Debuccalization processes occur in many different types of environments such as the following:[3]
/q/ is debuccalized to /ʔ/ in several Arabic varieties, such as northern Egyptian, Lebanese, western Syrian, and urban Palestinian dialects, partially also in Jordanian Arabic (especially by female speakers).[4] The Maltese language, which was originally an Arabic dialect, also shows this feature.[citation needed]
Most English-speakers in England and many speakers of American English debuccalize /t/ to a glottal stop [ʔ] in two environments: in word-final position before another consonant (American English IPA)
Before a syllabic [n̩] following /l/, /r/, /n/, a vowel, or a diphthong. The /t/ may then also be nasally released. (American English IPA)
In Cockney English, /t/ is often realized as a glottal stop [ʔ] between vowels, liquids, and nasals (notably in the word bottle), a process called t-glottalization.
The German ending -en is commonly realized as an assimilated syllabic nasal. Preceding voiceless stops are then glottally released: Latten [ˈlat͡ʔn̩] ('laths'), Nacken [ˈnak͡ʔŋ̍] ('nape of the neck'). When such a stop is additionally preceded by a homorganic sonorant, it tends to be debuccalized entirely and create the clusters [mʔm̩, lʔn̩, nʔn̩, ŋʔŋ̍]. For example, Lumpen [ˈlʊmʔm̩] ('rag'), Banken [ˈbaŋʔŋ̍] ('banks').
Voiced stops are not usually debuccalized. However, many Upper German and East Central German dialects merge voiced and unvoiced stops at least word-internally, and the merged consonants may be debuccalized. For example, in Bavarian, both Anten ('ducks') and Anden ('Andes') are pronounced [ˈɑnʔn̩]. Speakers are often unaware of that.
However, Standard German spoken in Luxembourg often lacks syllabic sonorants under the influence of Luxembourgish, so that -en is pronounced [ən], rather than [n̩] or [ŋ̍].[5][6]
In both languages, syllable-final -k is realized as either [k] or [ʔ]. However, the pronunciation in Indonesian has been increasingly reverted to [k] exempting some function words, especially among television news anchors, because of influence of Betawi (or Jakartan Indonesian).[7]
Debuccalization is very common in parts of Sulawesi. Especially in the South Sulawesi branch, most languages have turned word-final *t and *k into a glottal stop.[8]
In every Gorontalic language except Buol and Kaidipang, *k was replaced by a glottal stop, and lost altogether in word-initial position: *kayu → Gorontalo ayu 'wood', *konuku → olu'u 'fingernail'. However, if it followed *ŋ, then *k voiced into g in Gorontalo (*koŋkomo → onggomo 'handful').[9]
Debuccalization is also common in the Sangiric branch. In Sangir and Bantik, all final voiceless stops were reduced into ʔ (*manuk → manu' "bird"). Also in Ratahan, final *t became ʔ (*takut → taku' "to fear"). In Talaud, all instances of Proto-Sangiric *k were debuccalized into ʔ except when following *ŋ (*kiki → i'i "to bite", but *beŋkol → bengkola "bent"). Other newer instances of k resulted from *R when geminated or being word-final (ʐ elsewhere), e.g. *bəRu → bakku "new", *bibiR → biwikka "lip", *bəŋaR → bangngaka "molar".[10]
| Proto-Sangiric | Bantik | Ratahan | Sangir | Talaud |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| *kayu "wood, tree" | kayu | kalu | alu | |
| *likud "back" | likudu' | likur | likude' | li'udda |
| *beŋkol "bent" | bengkolo' | vengkol | bengko' | bengkola |
| *atup "roof" | atu' | atup | atu' | atuppa |
| *takut "fear" | taku' | ta'utta | ||
| *manuk "bird" | manu' | manuk | manu' | manu'a |
Many Polynesian languages lost the original glottal stop *ʔ of their ancestor Proto-Polynesian but later debuccalized other consonants into a glottal stop /ʔ/. That applied to different consonants depending on the language, for example:[11]
Older /ɡ/ was spirantized and later debuccalized in languages such as Belarusian, the Czech–Slovak languages, Ukrainian, and Upper Sorbian, e.g. Serbian bog, Russian box, Czech bůh, Ukrainian bih.
In some varieties of Scots and Scottish English, particularly on the West Coast, a non word-final /θ/ th shifted to [h], a process called th-debuccalization. For example, /θɪn/ is realized as [hɪn].
Pre-pausally, /t/ may be debuccalized to [h]: it, lot, that, what are then pronounced [ɪh, lɒh, d̪ah, wɒh].
In Proto-Greek, /s/ shifted to [h] initially and between sonorants (vowels, liquids, and nasals).
Intervocalic /h/ had been lost by the time of Ancient Greek, and vowels in hiatus were contracted in the Attic dialect.
Before a liquid or nasal, an /h/ was assimilated to the preceding vowel in Attic-Ionic and Doric and to the following nasal in Aeolic. The process is also described as the loss of /h/ and the subsequent lengthening of a vowel or consonant, which kept the syllable the same length (compensatory lengthening).
In Sanskrit, /s, r/ becomes [h] (written ḥ in transliteration) before a pause: e.g. kā́mas ('desire'), punar ('again') become kā́maḥ, punaḥ.
Additionally, the Proto-Indo-European aspirated voiced palato-velar *ǵʰ [ɟʱ] became [ɦ] through successive affrication, assibilation and debuccalization: e.g. *bʰeh₂ǵʰús "arm" becomes Sanskrit bāhúḥ. There are rare instances where bh, dh debuccalized but was preserved in Prakrits, e.g. PIE *h₁idʰe-, Sanskrit iha, Pali idha; PIE *rewdʰ-, Sanskrit rohiṇī, Gawri ruīnī, Khowar ron.
In many Eastern Bengali dialects, the voiceless palato-alveolar sibilant /ʃ/ can become debuccalized to glottal [h] or [ɦ], e.g. /ʃälä/ "wife's brother" is [ɦälä], and /ʃägoɾ/ "sea" is [ɦä(g)oɾ]. The tenuis and aspirated forms of the labial stop /p/, /pʰ/ and velar stop /k/, /kʰ/ can get lenited to /ɸ/ and /x/ respectively, but also be further debuccalized to [h] or [ɦ], e.g. /pägol/ "mad" is [ɦägol] and /pʰokiɾ/ ~ /ɸokiɾ/ "beggar, faqir" is [ɸoɦiɾ]. In some cases, even the glottal fricative is dropped, e.g. /äʃilo/ "(he / she / it) came" is [äi̯lo].
The Gujarati colloquial register has [s] or both [s] and [ʃ] debuccalized to voiceless [h]. For educated speakers speaking this register, this replacement does not extend to borrowings from Sanskrit.[12]
A number of Spanish dialects debuccalize /s/ to [h] or to [ɦ] at the end of a syllable or intervocalically in certain instances. Some further undergo deletion and compensatory lengthening of nearby vowel or consonant.
In many varieties of Galician, as well as in Galician-influenced Spanish, the phoneme /ɡ/ may debuccalize (gheada) to [ħ] in most or all instances; [x] and [h] are also possible realizations. There is also an inverse hypercorrection process of older or less educated Galician speakers replacing the phoneme /x/ of Spanish with [ɡ], which is called gueada.
Portuguese is much less affected by debuccalization, but it is especially notable in its Brazilian variety.
Throughout Brazil, the phoneme /ʁ/ (historically an alveolar trill /r/ that moved to an uvular position) has a rather long inventory of allophones: [r ɻ̝̊ ç x ɣ χ ʁ ʀ ħ h ɦ]. Only [ɣ] is uncommon. Few dialects, such as sulista and fluminense, give preference to voiced allophones; elsewhere, they are common only as coda, before voiced consonants.
In such dialects, especially among people speaking an educated variety of Portuguese, it is usual for the rhotic coda in the syllable rhyme to be an alveolar tap, as in European Portuguese and many registers of Spanish, or to be realized as [χ] or [x]. In the rest of the country, it is generally realized as [h], even by speakers who either do not normally use that allophone or delete it entirely, as is common in the vernacular.
However, in some mineiro- and mineiro-influenced fluminense rural registers, [h] is used but as an allophone of /l/ (rhotic consonants are most often deleted), a mar-mal merger, instead of the much more common and less-stigmatized mau-mal merger characteristic of all Brazilian urban centers except for those bordering Mercosur countries, where coda [ɫ] was preserved, and the entire North and Northeast regions. Its origin is the replacement of indigenous languages and línguas gerais by Portuguese,[citation needed] which created [ɹ], [ɻ] and r-colored vowel as allophones of both /ɾ/ (now mostly /ʁ/) and /l/ (now mostly [u̯ ~ ʊ̯]) phonemes in the coda since Native Brazilians could not easily pronounce them (caipira dialect).[citation needed] The later Portuguese influence from other regions made those allophones become rarer in some areas, but the mar-mal merger remained in a few isolated villages and towns.
Finally, many fluminense registers, especially those of the poor and of the youth; most northern and northeastern dialects; and, to a much minor degree, all other Brazilian dialects, debuccalize /s/ but less often than in Spanish. However, a mar-mas merger or even a mar-mais merger occurs: mas mesmo assim "but even so" or mas mesma, sim "though, right, the same (f) one" [mɐɦ ˈmeɦmə ˈsĩ]; mais light "lighter, more slim", or also "less caloric/fatty" [ˈmaɦ ˈlajtɕ]; mas de mim, não "but from me, no" or mais de mim, não "not more from me" [ˈmaɦ dʑi ˈmĩ ˈnɜ̃w]. A coda rhotic in the Brazilian dialects in the Centro-Sul area is hardly ever glottal, and the debuccalized /s/ is unlikely to be confused with it.
In the Moldavian dialect of Romanian, /f/ is debuccalized to [h] and so, for example, să fie becomes să hie. The same occurred in Old Spanish and Old Gascon and still occurs in Sylheti.
In Scottish and Irish Gaelic, s and t changed by lenition to [h], spelled sh and th.
Inscription in Faliscan from the 4th century BC onward show the occasional debuccalization of /f/ to /h/ (e.g. hileo : Latin filius). Whether the shift is displayed in the inscriptions is highly irregular, with some forms even showing an ostensibly opposite shift of written f in place of an expected h (e.g. fe : Latin hic), possibly by means of hypercorrection.[13]
In several peninsular Malay dialects, final -s is realized as [h].
In the Batak branch, all southern languages (but not the northern ones including Karo) have debuccalized *k into h except when word-final or followed *ŋ. Both Angkola and Mandailing have restored k within the sequence hVhV (Angkola kehe, Mandailing ke, but Toba hehe) or following a consonant in Mandailing (ala "scorpion" → parkalahan). Mandailing, however has also further deleted *h (*kalak → alak "person") except in the sequence -aha- (dahan "mushroom", not *dan).[14]
Polynesian languages commonly reflect debuccalization not only into a glottal stop /ʔ/ but also into a glottal fricative /h/. The exact distribution depends on the language:[11]
Debuccalization occurs extensively within the dialectal continuum of Yoruboid languages, particularly among the Olukumi language, Igala language, the Northeast Yoruba dialect known as Owe, and Southeastern dialects of the Yoruba language, such as Ikale. Many of those shifts came from Proto-Yoruboid language (or its daughter language Proto-Edekiri), and descendant languages shifted from /s/ to /h/. In other cases, shifts from /f/ to /h/ also occur from Proto-Yoruboid to Standard Yoruba. Many other alternatives shift from /s/ to /r/, but it is unclear if that process is associated with the debuccalization occurring.
Debuccalization also occurs in other Volta-Niger languages, including Igbo, the Ayere-Ahan languages and Edo.
In Early Modern Japanese, the labial fricative [ɸ] (derived from Old Japanese */p/) was debuccalized to [h] before /a, o, e/. (It remained labial [ɸ] before /u/ and was palatalized to [ç] before /i, j/.) In some modern dialects, such as the Kansai dialect, /s/ is sometimes debuccalized to /h/.
In Old Kannada between 10th and the 14th centuries, most of the initial /p/ debuccalized into a /h/ (Old Kannada paḍagu, pattu, balupu, Kannada haḍahu, hattu, baluhu "ship, ten, strength") and disappeared in many Kannadoid languages (Sholaga attu). Proto-Dravidian *c often spirantized, debuccalized or disappeared in its daughter languages through c > s > h > ∅ (*cīntu > Tamil īñcu "date fruit"). Various Central Indian Dravidian languages like the Gondi languages are in various stages of the process: sindi, hīndi, īndi, Proto-Dravidian *wec-, Kuvi wespini, wehini. [15] Intervocalic /k/ has debuccalized for many Tamil-speakers (Standard Tamil pakai > [pɐhɛ], Kannada hage).[16] Southern and western dialects of Malto have /ʔ/ instead of /q/ and /h/ instead of /ʁ/ and /ŋʁ/.[17]
All coda consonants in Slavey must be glottal. When a non-glottal consonant would otherwise be positioned in a syllable coda, it debuccalizes to [h]:[18]
Debuccalization can be a feature of loanword phonology. For example, debuccalization can be seen in Indonesian loanwords into Selayar.[19]
Source: Wikipedia. Article content is retrieved live through the MediaWiki API.
Debuccalization, or deoralization, is a sound change or alternation in which an oral consonant loses its original place of articulation and moves it to the glottis ([h], [ɦ], or [ʔ]). The pronunciation of a consonant as [h] is sometimes called aspiration, but in phonetics, aspiration is the burst of air accompanying a stop. The word comes from Latin bucca, meaning 'cheek' or 'mouth'. Debuccalization is usually seen as a subtype of lenition, which is often defined as a sound change involving the weakening of a consonant by progressive shifts in pronunciation. As with other forms of lenition, debuccalization may be synchronic or diachronic (i.e. it may involve alternations within a language depending on context or sound changes across time). Debuccalization processes occur in many different types of environments such as the following: word-initially, as in Kannada word-finally, as in Burmese intervocalically, as in a number of English varieties (e.g. litter [ˈlɪʔə]), or in Tuscan (the house /la kasa/ → [la ˈhaːsa])
Some of the regional varieties of the Spanish language are quite divergent from one another, especially in pronunciation and vocabulary, and less so in grammar. While all Spanish dialects adhere to approximately the same written standard, all spoken varieties differ from the written variety, to different degrees. There are differences between European Spanish (also called Peninsular Spanish) and the Spanish of the Americas, as well as many different dialect areas both within Spain and within the Americas. Chilean and Honduran Spanish have been identified by various linguists as the most divergent varieties. Prominent differences in pronunciation among dialects of Spanish include: the maintenance or lack of distinction between the phonemes /θ/ and /s/ (distinción vs. seseo and ceceo); the maintenance or loss of distinction between phonemes represented orthographically by ⟨ll⟩ and ⟨y⟩ (yeísmo); the maintenance of syllable-final [s] vs. its weakening to [h] (called aspiration, or more precisely debuccalization), or its loss; and the tendency, in areas of central Mexico and of the Andean highlands, to reduction (especially devoicing), or loss, of unstressed vowels, mainly when they are in contact with voiceless consonants. Among grammatical features, the most prominent variation among dialects is in the use of the second-person pronouns. In Hispanic America, the only second-person plural pronoun, for both formal and informal treatment, is ustedes, while in most of Spain the informal second-person plural pronoun is vosotros, with ustedes used only in the formal treatment. For the second-person singular familiar pronoun, some American dialects use tú (and its associated verb forms), while others use either vos (see voseo) or both tú and vos (which, together with usted, can make for a possible three-tiered distinction of formalities). There are significant differences in vocabulary among regional varieties of Spanish, particularly in the domains of food products, everyday objects, and clothes; and many American varieties show considerable lexical influence from Native American languages.
In linguistics, lenition is a sound change that alters consonants, making them "weaker" in some way. The word lenition means 'softening' or 'weakening' (from Latin lēnis 'weak'). Lenition can happen both synchronically (within a language at a particular point in time) and diachronically (as a language changes over time). Lenition can involve such changes as voicing a voiceless consonant, causing a consonant to relax occlusion, to lose its place of articulation (a phenomenon called debuccalization, which turns a consonant into a glottal consonant like [h] or [ʔ]), or even causing a consonant to disappear entirely. An example of synchronic lenition is found in most varieties of American English, in the form of tapping: the /t/ of a word like wait [weɪt] is pronounced as the more sonorous [ɾ] in the related form waiting [ˈweɪɾɪŋ]. Some varieties of Spanish show debuccalization of /s/ to [h] at the end of a syllable, so that a word like estamos "we are" is pronounced [ehˈtamoh]. An example of diachronic lenition can be found in the Romance languages, where the /t/ of Latin patrem ("father", accusative) has become /d/ in Italian (an irregular change; compare saeta "silk" > seta) and Spanish padre (the latter weakened synchronically /d/ → [ð̞]), while in Catalan pare, French père and Portuguese pai historical /t/ has disappeared completely. In some languages, lenition has been grammaticalized into a consonant mutation, which means it is no longer triggered by its phonological environment but is now governed by its syntactic or morphological environment. For example, in Welsh, the word cath "cat" begins with the sound /k/, but after the definite article y, the /k/ changes to [ɡ]: "the cat" in Welsh is y gath. This was historically due to intervocalic lenition, but in the plural, lenition does not happen, so "the cats" is y cathod, not *y gathod. The change of /k/ to [ɡ] in y gath is thus caused by the syntax of the phrase, not by the modern phonological position of the consonant /k/. The opposite of lenition, fortition, a sound change that makes a consonant "stronger", is less common, but Breton and Cornish have "hard mutation" forms which represent fortition.
In English phonology, t-glottalization (also t-glottalisation) or t-glottalling is a sound change in certain English language dialects and accents, particularly in the United Kingdom, that causes the phoneme to be pronounced as the glottal stop [ʔ] in certain positions. It is never universal, especially in careful speech, and it most often alternates with other allophones of /t/ such as , [tʰ], [tⁿ] (before a nasal), [tˡ] (before a lateral), or [ɾ]. As a sound change, it is a subtype of debuccalization. The pronunciation that it results in is called glottalization. Glottal reinforcement, which is quite common in English, is a stage preceding full replacement of the stop; reinforcement and replacement can also be in free variation.
Before the 1921 destruction of Tulsa’s Greenwood District, Black residents had created a remarkable center of business and community life. The district included stores, professional offices, entertainment venues and homes owned by Black citizens. Understanding Greenwood means learning what was built—not only what was burned.
MORE →Shirley Chisholm, elected in 1968.